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Exploring systemic racism as the default explanation for disparities

Exploring systemic racism as the default explanation for disparities

phys.org 06.10.2026 04:20 8 views
Much of the field of sociology treats systemic racism as its default explanation for racial disparities rather than as an open question that requires further investigation and evidence, according to a recent position pap

This article has been reviewed according to Science X's editorial process and policies. Editors have highlighted the following attributes while ensuring the content's credibility: Much of the field of sociology treats systemic racism as its default explanation for racial disparities rather than as an open question that requires further investigation and evidence, according to a recent position paper. The assumptions and moralization surrounding the origins of race-based disparities have undermined the discipline and made it difficult—and professionally costly—to challenge the concept, says author Ilana Redstone, a professor of sociology at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.

In the paper, published in the journal Theory and Society, Redstone explicitly states that she is neither claiming that systemic racism is nonexistent nor that it cannot produce inequities. Redstone's argument is about what treating the assumption as a given licenses. For instance, once it is considered the definitive cause of inequality, scholars have no reason to explore alternative causes and every reason to suspect the motives of the people who do.

The author said that the assumption has become so foundational to the practice and teaching of sociology in the U.S. that it steers research agendas, shapes student training, defines what counts as serious scholarship and silences debate. Redstone said that, while the idea that racism lives in systems had been around for a long time, a major catalyst for the ideological shift was the Supreme Court's 1971 decision in Griggs v. In that landmark case, the court ruled that the energy company's employment policy, which predicated hiring and job transfers on holding a high school diploma and passing two written tests, violated Title VII of the Civil Rights Act by limiting job opportunities for Black candidates.

"The court's decision functionally embedded a causal claim—that disparate outcomes are produced by discrimination—into law, and attached a moral valence to that claim," Redstone said. "Labeling an outcome 'discriminatory' is not merely describing a pattern—it's assigning blame, even if the practice that produced it was adopted without any intent to exclude. Once a causal claim is treated as established fact rather than a hypothesis, it removes the question of whether there might be an alternative explanation for a disparity." According to Redstone, the court's decision justified treating as "settled the question of whether disparate outcomes were caused by discrimination or other factors" and had far-reaching implications for academia—altering conceptions of harm, justice, group identity and knowledge.

Before the court's decision, the sociology research of the 1960s and 1970s was methodologically pluralistic enough that researchers who investigated racial disparities could and did explore alternative explanations, and the hypothesis that institutional racism might be causing some or all of these differing outcomes was one possibility among many used in their analyses, the author said. In examining the effects on sociology scholarship, Redstone refers to the findings of several studies that were published in the past 25 years. The authors of those studies, who explored racial disparities in student discipline, health outcomes, criminal justice and generational wealth accumulation, concluded in each project that the differences found were indicative of institutional racism, Redstone wrote.

"My point isn't that any of these conclusions are necessarily wrong, as each of them may be capturing something real about institutions' resource allocations and how disadvantage persists or grows," Redstone wrote. However, once it became widely accepted that inequities were evidence that institutional racism produced them, the implications compounded—changing what discrimination looked like and how pervasive it was believed to be. Accordingly, injustice became organized and measured around group identity, such that "any negative outcome associated with a group that could be categorized as disadvantaged … is presumptively attributed to the disadvantage that the identity carries," according to Redstone.

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